Noise Collective is working with the Collective Theatre "The Alchemical"
for photographic documentation of the 2009-2010 theater season.
For information about shows:
http://www.myspace.com/glialchemici
http://www.facebook.com/group.php/?gid=137316739339
We publish below, the document being developed by a company and the Companions of the political collective MILITANZ CDP UniCal, since last June 1 meeting in Collective Political military NZ (CPM) that summarizes the abbreviations above and replace them as a necessary act of redefinition and overall organizational relocation policy, read and evaluated the need for adherence phase. 
Naples there June 1 2009
" S 'faced today with evidence e urgenza, con possibilità oggettiva, il nodo della ricostruzione di un autentico sindacalismo di base e classe, a condizione che esso sia allargato a dimensione sociale e generale del conflitto. Di un soggetto di massa che sia totalmente autonomo (…) Che giochi, quindi, questa sua autonomia nella difesa delle condizioni materiali di vita e di lavoro del proletariato vecchio e nuovo, espandendone poteri e diritti in nome di un'alternativa reale di Sistema e di Potere.”
(estratto dal documento "Sindacalismo metropolitano e Sindacato di Classe", MILITANZ, marzo 2008)
Introduzione
Nel documento politico fondativo, indirizzo inaugurale dei Collettivi Politici MILITANZ CdP e UniCal, dello scorso febbraio 2008 scrivevamo: “ Il concetto di autorganizzazione non può ridursi all’affermazione d’indipendenza dalle centrali partitiche o sindacali e all’estraneità generale rispetto alle logiche stesse della rappresentanza elettorale, per quanto sia del tutto evidente che tale affermazione rappresenti un punto di partenza imprescindibile". Un punto di partenza, appunto, dal quale però sviluppare una prassi politica quotidiana e di lungo periodo: dal tener viva l’essenza stessa di un collettivo, alla sua proiezione verso l’esterno, dalla capacità di una constantly being redefined the determination of a design specific to it. " This proposition, in more complex picture of that document, which remains, however, the basis of strategic planning where the other boys and girls continue to refer MILITANZ, assumes today probative value , demonstration, test the seal line and the basis of its maturation / updating in the light of the changes and transformations that occurred in the meantime, within the political landscape and movement. In the light, that is, the aggravation of social problems in the country as a real bite and consumed by the capitalist crisis in place, the progressive detachment of the social sectors increasingly large and harassed by order of any real representation on the institutional front than that of an increasingly only alleged "lesser evil" of increasing the level of subsumption of concerted trade union in the context of compatibility of the system in order to redefine a more general neo- Corporate and piduista State; the substantial loss of identity and design, name and class, organizational skills and the projection of the Communist left, weaker and more divided.
Why, then, a document being a little more than a year after the founding of the political collective MILITANZ (UniCal CDP) for the self-organization and social its political project? Because such collective, to date, are summarized in terms of organizational, political collective unit which MILITANZ (CPM), centralizing their resources, their involvement, their own name? Because we believe are necessary for a radical change in "entitlement" in order to build segments of the real reunification of the forces of antagonism that social distance, necessarily, for the dissolution of the "group structures and their logic? Because our evidence is revealed to the crucial issue of class organization, at this stage of strategic failure of reformism and resurgence of heavy and deep more aggressive right-wing and anti? What are the first elements of the program, forms of organization, the "relocation" that needed to be determined in order to deepen the subject and the practice of "metropolitan unionism" as a way reference and link to the key conscious and advanced, whether individual or collective, who work in the radicalization of the struggle, the extension of the claims, the generalization of the conflict? may be all that, ultimately, a first but significant step in the reconstruction of a block of self-class, "unionized" organized, what may, itself, determine which party, as well as the operations of institutional engineering, the alchemy geo-political, purely electoral cartels?
A little over a year after the founding of MILITANZ, the Companions and firms Collectives, the assembled joint activity aimed permanent stock of what has been done in fifteen months of military, as has been done , but to what could be done and not done, of how to proceed, ultimately, in the struggle and work, have questioned the stage and the organization itself.
This document will be successful and, together, report of that evaluation and budget nonché base progettuale di nuovo e rinnovato indirizzo di fase del MILITANZ, ferma l’osservanza strategica delle sue ragioni fondanti e fondative così come la diretta continuità politica rispetto a quanto è stato fatto finora.
Lotta politica e Autorganizzazione
Lotta politica ed Autorganizzazione sono stati gli assi centrali, nerbi strategici, con i quali il Movimento – o comunque la parte più radicale e cosciente di esso, seppur variegata e multiforme – ha provato a riorganizzare le sue fila già da diversi anni or sono. Da quando, cioè, sempre più chiaro è risultato essere il ruolo dello Stato tutt’affatto che “ mediatore dei conflitti sociali ” nell’alveo di un sistema preteso democratico, quanto piuttosto bastione “legale”, strumento a servizio degli interessi della classe dominante, di volta in volta, rappresentati e difesi, a danno degli interessi generali, da un sistema d’alternanza borghese di governo, spurio, coatto. Stato borghese, dunque, utilizzato come vera e propria “arma” in una guerra di classe non dichiarata, resa impari, nello scontro, non tanto dallo spessore delle forze in campo, quanto, piuttosto, dalla progressiva compressione dei margini di agibilità politica, sindacale, democratica, a fronte di una progressiva involuzione autoritaria dei livelli istituzionali Capital opposed the job, but substantial as well as their process of "fascism", organizational and ideological institutions of "democratic". The political fallout in order to ensure that " representation system" has been swift and devastating, far from being concluded, over the collapse of the institutional left, destroyed by the loss of autonomy and identity - and thus to consent - due to a short-sighted and losing strategy of conditioning on the left "of the architrave of governmental institutions and the resultant heavy political and ideological offensive of the radical right and of government, cleared by plebiscite of votes obtained in the general election of 2008, the manufacturer, so far, "public opinion".
Political struggle and self-organization, therefore, we present content and form of the social body dell'autonomizzazione progressive collective of working-not-work from the framework of "compatibility capitalist." Content and form of systemic failure from below made the reappropriation of social space for free / socialization, independence and refusal of work just to social discipline rulers / governments (vertical discipline, claim property, tax on capital) and progressive acquisition of collective ownership socialized; self-representation degli interessi, materiali e di principio, delle nuove o rinnovate soggettività di classe seppur stratificate dall’attuale organizzazione/divisione globalizzata del Lavoro, nonché guadagnamento a ordine di indipendenza costruttiva e creativa nella dinamica di interazione con detta norma disciplinare imposta; Lotta e Lavoro, in definitiva; Lotta politica e Autorganizzazione, appunto.
Ma Lotta politica e Autorganizzazione, raramente hanno trovato punto di mediazione organizzativa reale che non fosse spontanea o d’occasione: al contrario, ogni tentativo organizzativo realizzato negli ultimi anni ha, volenti o nolenti, teso a scindere il piano di raccordo di elementi che tanto hanno senso solo nella misura in cui concepiti as complementary to each condition (and at the same implication) of the other, each other. This division, in practice and principle, in our opinion, the foundation of what we consider to be the deviation errors / opportunities "right" or "left", depending on the preference of either of these elements .
Right deviation and deviation to the left
The Right deviation was more devoted to political struggle, crushing it in every organizational measure fielded and isolating, so the content materials of which it had / has to substantiate. It so happens that, in the name of a functional and alleged "realism", the only category that have been taken in relation to these opportunities is that of "practicality" to the objectives of collective re-appropriation of social property replaces the goal of a "more equitable" redistribution income and the objective of abolition of wage labor is waived to the tension in forms of work and all cooperative members, however, in accordance with the market system and profit, with the objectives and strategic communication phase is replaced, again , the horizon of the gradualist para-institutional bargaining.
Otherwise, the deviators has left a confused "exalted" to break the tension the more trumpeted that implementation, the will to fight often without principles, the "riot" po 'aesthetic, a little' piazzaiolo "massmediatizza that the conflict in the face, however, to consequent reprisals and repression against real deployed by the State of Companions and Companions in the fight. The failure of the initiative on the ground of challenging institutional levels of capital leads to an immediate loss on the part of the movement, the relationship of mass and class, and of course, any ability to know how to interpret. How
therefore clear, both the Right deviation that deviationism the left slide, so that, in practice delegated, bureaucratic, by the political class, unable to determine that it is not an opposition witness: the extra-parliamentary groups today - those by choice or not - in fact, have abandoned that tutt'affatto the institutional logic, to the extent that subject, in shaping their policy agendas, the timing of elections and, more generally, institutional, even if it were to take formal distance or challenge it. The structures often do not differ from more traditional models of political representation by proxy, although now without a top-organized base closed in the attitude "Parish" of the logic of "+1" for the group, since persuaded a progressive rise in interim tutt'affatto proved that. Moreover, some avant-garde that everyone is self-ascribed the situation to determine which exacerbate the level of competition between the groups with the result, the rest of course, of further division within the Movement, a sort of seal of separation of identity between them, the definition in the "best" case scenario, the "intergroup" unable, however, to build any real path of consolidation on the basis of political and programmatic perspective generally serious and shared. Condition - know - and indispensable foundation of an alternative system of power and that makes sense not only in the general statement of principle, the formal certificate of value continuously recited.
Organization of Class and Vanguard real
Today thousands of companies and company seem to have "resigned" to a practical and logical and minority "group" in the strict sense.
We know that the "only" crisis of capitalism, although this structural objective condition historically defined itself, is not sufficient to determine its collapse, its abolition, its overcoming. Suggestions altermondiste - eschatological, wait, what were indeterminate - both unique to the majority of the movement until a few years ago, did not convince anybody, which is why the theme on which to prove our maturity of militant anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-fascists, others can not be the theme of the subjective element dialectically place than that to which the crisis: the theme of subjectivity alternative of a new block social-historical antagonist. The issue, ultimately, a class organization.
early as the seventies, the movement of that time was questioned about his tendencies "small group", given that, in contrast, only a few years first, filled in the Sixties, a narrow edge on the basis of politicized revolutionary workers had managed to gain important part of the direction of the factory proletariat, embossing, working with the autonomy and the refusal of work, a quantum leap in political and organizational within the entire class, as linked to it, part of it.
In fact, in hindsight, one direction only immediate, direct, self-conscious, has meant that, historically, the class, the cornerstone of social bloc antagonist, represent themselves their own interests, self-regulated his collective body of society "according to disciplinary capitalist, self-organization of its composition and Fight Work, take on progressive mass consciousness of the workers' power, enough to translate it into subjective force of cutting-edge initiative, and the refusal of collective bargaining was transformed, then, in the behavior of (re) appropriating class, the all-out resistance against attacks enforcement of the bosses, in ability to hold and then direct the first moments of armed anti-capitalist counter-offensive, the level reached in the autonomy working in support of faculty, for years, the level of confrontation with the bourgeois state, to determine whether the timing and ways.
Similarly today, only the recovery of the margins of conscious empowerment of class interests than the class-and employers would able to rejoin, in their proper dialectical unity, in their relationship of unity and articulation, the terms of political struggle and self-organization. After all this is the task, which step strategic phase, a vanguard real, so only if they are able to hold together, tied with red thread emancipation and redemption, the claims of the immediate (home, work, social rights in general) to the strategic perspective of the radical questioning of the paradigm of capitalist societies. A vanguard determined and recognized to the extent that certain non-knit group of alleged "professional revolutionaries", aliens from working in active behalf of the class but extraneous to it. Vanguard fact that, instead, only if specified in the connection between unity and dialectical frameworks militants operating in areas and territories that are considered the reference framework that can raise the resale and trade-unionism and trade union battles closely on the top floor of the general objectives of (re- ) appropriate communication, in order to fight a class of long-term. Able, that is, to elevate the sparks of political consciousness among the workers turned on, the workers, the unemployed, the students, immigrants from the current economic struggle, in new or renewed class consciousness, political awareness under the theme openly anti-capitalist and practice revolutionary transformation of the present ownership and power, the political system embodies them all and protect them. Vanguard, in short, capable of providing this qualitative leap, a fundamental and irreversible, the behavior of Labour and struggle, just as the transition from " class in itself" , which exists as such, " class self , or conscious of itself, self-evident.
The process of regrouping independent avant-Class we need moments of breakdown and reconstruction of the existing players, but, above all, " need active intervention of the most combative of the proletariat [old and new that is, ed.] and employees, but also of non-labor induced or precariousness of the broader society. The very idea of \u200b\u200ba "metropolitan unions" that details the battles and coordinate social investing generally understood in terms of new aggregation and direct and active participation, those who are social and collective subjectivity, and yet in a renewed, the 'backbone of the struggles and events as legitimate representatives of class interests " [1] . We are well
aware of the complexity of the situation. Aware and convinced that working to (re) establishment of a vanguard for a self-organized and really hinged on the instance of class metropolitan union does not necessarily mean the birth of a new symbol - yet another! - Or, above all, the simple arithmetic sum of some of the existing ones. It is rather a political process and the fight itself. Because of their political struggle, because of political struggle. And we also understand the theoretical and practical issues still unresolved.
Indispensable, in this sense, becomes a practical proposal and the role of the Communists, to be recovered in their power to be able to drive militants examples and triadic dialectic between praxis-theory-practice. Then push the organizational level in order to define a progressive line of plots and working to build a program that takes all claims of transition elements on the horizon general objectives of (re) appropriation of strategic long-term, is as a top priority of mass work to be carried out, check every day, both within the standing conferences of workers and employees, both in those experiences of resistance and self-organized social regrouping to the specificities of their sector and region. È in questa prospettiva di lavoro di lungo periodo che assume senso non particolaristico o meramente rivendicazionista la “liberazione” di spazi sociali autogestiti: le consulte permanenti si danno a noi, dunque, come luogo di lavoro politico diretto a ché possano, esse stesse, diventare punto di riferimento e di raccordo tra elementi coscienti e combattivi che lavorino alla radicalizzazione delle lotte, all'estensione delle rivendicazioni, alla generalizzazione del conflitto.
Partire, così, dall'elaborazione di una strategia di intervento in dette sedi di lavoro politico, sviluppare in esse linea di massa a partire da un’iniziativa d’avanguardia costante e costantemente attenta ai rapporti di massa che qualifying it and substantiate, support the mobilization structured around a shared project of social transformation, it becomes a first but significant step towards the reconstruction of a block of self-class "unionized" organized. A block of class that can self-express, to an extent not delegated, but direct and active, real vanguard, fighting, self-conscious, we are arguing.
The vanguard of this type, quality of management immediately, aware dell'inconciliabilità, non-coincidence of interests of unsurpassed class, you first try on the ground of maintaining the power levels achieved in the relationship between job and capital and, consequently, in their manifestation on the ideological superstructure and the relationship legal, political, institutional relationship between governors and governed. These levels of power exercised in the bargaining Jobs in the rejection of all forms of harmful incentives and Jobs in the desertion of any attempt to control the institutional autonomy of class conscious and practiced in the subtraction from any form of consultation and collaboration interclass; in the fight against the crisis, the development and its logical name for profit and capital, against the very rules of the capitalist command.
the autonomous direction of class, nevertheless, can not settle for mere maintenance - Was also increased! - Of these levels of power in the work / capital. If so, the Organization of Class would be irreparably compromised and performance linked variable capital, even while holding its analysis of its structural crisis. The organization would be dependent, in spite of himself, from several different economic situations, phase locked in the role, said philosophically, the functional antithesis to a thesis that post, as such, continues to march record.
crucial time, as is evident, is the question of class-party relationship. The levels of power gained in the social sectors in society and the reference dall’Autonomia storicamente detta sono stati pesantemente compromessi dal nuovo ordine di parcellizzazione del Lavoro-non-Lavoro. Il lavoratore e l’aspirante lavoratore, gli immigrati già propri ad una sorta di “ esercito di riserva ” di manodopera a basso costo, gli studenti sottoposti alla condizione di mera forza-lavoro funzionale in via di formazione, sono ridotti a semplici segmenti atomizzati di lavoro ricombinante a chiamata diretta: strumentali, volenti o nolenti, al mantenimento dei livelli di profitto propri alle esigenze di classi dominanti e del Mercato; la coscienza di massa della centralità strategica di classe e della relativa forza soggettiva viene disarticolata in ordine alla nuova divisione internazionale del lavoro; il livello di controffensiva operaia sì come storicamente determinatasi, fiaccato prima, distrutto poi, da delocalizzazione produttiva, precarizzazione esistenziale, repressione di Stato e padroni.
Nel tempo della fine delle rappresentanze reali degli interessi di classe sul fronte istituzionale, si impone oggi la necessità della maturazione, del rinnovo, della fase propria alla ridefinizione del rapporto Classe-Partito, a ché sia percorsa interamente dalle forze di massa autonome del blocco sociale antagonista. Lavoro-non-Lavoro e Capitale, Classe e Partito, (ri)appropriazione e organizzazione, autonomia e autorganizzazione: queste le questioni sulle quali dovrà cimentarsi una direzione, che voglia esser responsabile and capable, independent and classy.
The dialectical relationship - it was said unit and articulated - the terms described above, can be dominated and governed only if translated by purely ideological dimension, in which both the recent experience of the groups that autocandidatisi parties to the status of "true" Communist parties (?) have driven in the most direct organizational practiced. Royal, in essence. And that is why the multiplication of particular conflicts spontaneous (vertenziali, sector and region) will take much more general developmental profile (generalized) social conflict only in so far as "centralized" from the coordination and connection between the areas of movement more conscious and advanced. Advanced only by Charming devoid of alleged radical intellectuals and aristocrats primates purist ideological interpretation, as well as those petty-bourgeois "rights owner" on the areas where they insist, only when conscious awareness of the complexity of the challenges in front of the simple the fight game and his aesthetic taste and trendy.
fusion material leadership potential of cutting-edge areas, central as above, it may be only within a block of self-class nerve center button, that blocking of social antagonist. Perhaps, ultimately, solo alla sua base.
Classe, Partito, direzione, centralizzazione, sono tutt’affatto che miti, chimere perse nell’oblio della Storia o, d’altro canto, mere aspirazioni di un futuro idealizzato. E non sono certo la soluzione delegata del problema della direzione collettiva del Movimento e, in generale, della Lotta. Essi sono, invece, il processo della Lotta in quanto tale, il suo incedere quotidiano tra alti e bassi e la sua ciclicità, il difficile cammino, giorno dopo giorno vissuto e convissuto da migliaia di Compagni e di Compagne, della formazione organizzativa e del programma. Sono i nodi irrinunciabili da sciogliere, al fine di poter incardinare, sulle soluzioni derivate da quegli stessi nodi sciolti, the principles of the agreement as a requirement of the class, really asked, now fully implemented.
Party-Class
Now, we know that the problem is not merely theoretical or formal. It is not, therefore, the subject proper union's formal practice of autonomy with the movements of its vanguard. It is, however, understand the potential and the node, all entered the stage, so the class, albeit broken and disjointed, can itself become partially centralized its movements. The question of the relation-Class Party therefore resolved in the determination of the Party-Class. Determination be anticipated solo attraverso una dinamica di una centralizzazione di base, pratica, praticata, affatto che ideologica, attuata, dunque, nella concentrazione più larga possibile in una forza di massa organizzata in blocco, “sindacalmente” pronta.
La centralizzazione, qui così intesa, si determina quale forza espansiva e, insieme, atto di volontà collettiva di “ricollocazione” militante di Movimento, nella prospettiva di recupero di un terreno di rapporto con la Classe e ridefinizione, in essa, di un impianto organizzato su base non-concertativa, immediatamente sindacale; si verifica quale valutazione, dispiegata nella prassi, che non stempera il percorso di ricomposizione unitaria – come invece avviene in "groups ponds" - but to enhance collects, combines to reinforce that training organizations and programs. What the mere "tactical alliances", spontaneous and second hand, so often practiced strictly functional or fittings can rise to shared strategic project, the unit may struggle to reach the progressive construction of a policy front, the "intergroup" self-determination which organized movement by the central class that the only way you start.
We believe that this centralization is that tutt'affatto a general statement of principle or a mere aspiration declaimed in intent. Otherwise it is from us as fusione, praticata già a partire dalle scelte di riorganizzazione che come, MILITANZ, andremo ad operare, tra la nostra volontà collettiva di non essere più “gruppo” e l’elemento di valutazione circa la necessità di ricondursi ad un alveo più strettamente di classe e sindacale; tra l’elemento soggettivo da noi stessi posto (in ordine alla nostra piccola ma sostanziale categoria del possibile) e l’elemento oggettivo della ricomposizione necessaria per resistere alla crisi e ad essa reagire. Crediamo che tale fusione sia in grado di battere sul campo e svincolarsi dall’andamento ciclico delle lotte legato alla concertazione tra sindacati collaborazionisti e lor-padroni. Crediamo, altresì, che sia necessary and essential to regain the initiative and impose a counter-offensive to the capital. Nevertheless
that centralization occurs, to that effect, made essentially real. Device, ie, in the midst of material relations of life ed'esistenza Class, where mediation theory, organizational measures, joint decision-making and practice can not be delegated to any training other than that it's more tailored to its political composition, rooted in its struggles, a symbol of power and levels of consciousness achieved. In conclusion on this point, if the class party will be born, it will come only with regard to the direct ability of the world Labour non-job-(re) appropriated in the first of its organization.
organizational autonomy
The first experiences of social self-organization (councils of workers and employees, strong communities, people's committees, movements of purpose, etc..) Are now already given at this stage, the rate physiology of social conflict which, without detonation induced unfolding in the country. As it is now already more than a decade the union work independently on a non-concert and conflict. Footsteps of the national organization or, more immediately, the connection between these experiences and autonomous self-organized have been made, are still ongoing. The Collective Political MILITANZ (CPM) considers such attempts and a necessary prerequisite of a valid indication organization aimed at generalization of the conflict against each profession practiced by a minority, sectarianism, factionalism, against any concept of strictly localist, particularistic or merely vertenziale the Struggle , against the logic of aesthetic "movement for movement."
recognize, therefore, placed in the preconditions of autonomy held his place of work with political potential of mass screening system and class. Also believes that the presence of militants active in both paintings based on those experiences of self-organization and social sector, because, especially in trade union work of interest and empowerment for class instances, should become a constant in their own modus operandi. Must, in this sense, work on a gradual merging of intent, practices, objectives, improving organizational and political work under the slogan of self-management class on the Movement.
present stage of discontinuity of the movement, its inherent weakness, and temporary breakdown of reflux, it gives a real chance to broaden the concept and practice of hegemony on the political class movement itself: to be developed in the immediate , a real campaign for the affirmation of self-management class, against all delegations organized "outsourcing", but also against any escape or abandonment subjective spontaneity.
We intend, therefore, the organization as an organization primarily Class Organization. So, if Self-organization and political struggle are the same, then the process of building the Party's class is already fully recorded in the whole struggle, in their gait, in the intervals of progressive experiences of autonomy and the basic class.
We are now responsible, as part of a "repositioning" immediately and subway union, to reopen the fight for the organization. Especially nowadays, because already it has failed every attempt to stabilize reformist consensus of class, as, equally clearly, it reveals the fact that the exploitation of the consent of the country's mass bends sharply to the right. The problem is not, therefore, to "assess" the historic defeat of reformism, however, now evident in itself, but rather work in the cultural climate under-determined by the indifferent and the right of government. Working for a progressive block permeability of historical reference to the instances of revolutionary transformation. Working in that it can return to being consciously antagonist. Ultimately this is the objective that we are interested in pursuing. Our organizational effort is all aimed for continuous self-organization in the workplace and conflict in society at large.
The partiality of the struggles that go wild when opened against the effects of exhaust social capitalist crisis - struggles against the alleged "reforms" of schools and colleges, against the repressive effects of inflation on purchasing power, for contract renewals , the struggle against insecurity, etc. - All of us to develop on a plot of more radical and an organizational level higher than that deployed so late today. Self-organization and political struggle are one, then why battles and develop the terms of the Organization class autonomy is one. This leads us to consider the need and urgency to have organized a national reference that can be unified as much as possible the ability to lock and seal of a rising class antagonist to the capital, governed in the consciousness of itself, structured in its organization, homogenized in the capacity of intervention, the response of counter-offensive. Over time
dell'irrimediabile material separation of classes in the day of ideological confusion that is caused the unprotected front of the class as a result of unilateral demobilization perpetrated in recent years, under the leadership and submissive collaborator of the institutional left in the day of the failure of the "Group" the Movement, we MILITANZ, comrades of the People and Work, we played our consideration phase. We are going to follow what we consider our aging process and in that sense, we operate our own choices. We choose, therefore, the organizational autonomy.
In a more political approach, as in the terms set out above, work to block self-determination of a class organized trade union representation for themselves conscious, one can to express, directly from its ranks, a vanguard aware and conscious of his role: the role of the advanced class the whole department, the role of lead and then wins a new victory blocking socio-historical antagonist, the proper role of the Party staff Class.
Here there is a minority, there is no longer the game "who is more common than people", there are more interventionist majorities or sectarian minorities. Our choice is wholly and entirely within the mass political work, recognizing relationships of command and discipline to only one direction independent of the class to organize and rebuild.
MILITANZ left the band, then. It rejects the logic and structure. Lo facciamo per essere nel movimento reale in tempi, modi e forme proprie all’Autonomia organizzata in seno alla Classe, come detto. Lo facciamo per essere noi stessi Autonomia organizzata, di essa parte integrante e attiva. Fino alla Vittoria.
Collettivo Politico MILITANZ (CPM)
militanz-cpm.blogspot.com
militanz.cpm@gmail.com
I FASCISTI DI "CASA POUND ITALIA"
di Elia Rosati
Giugno 2008, dopo quasi cinque anni di fedele militanza nel Movimento Sociale Fiamma Tricolore (MSFT), le nuove stelle della destra radicale italiana, l'area delle Occupazioni Non Conformi (ONC), vengono allontanate con un secco telegramma dal partito; a detta di qualcuno si erano montate troppo la testa...Ma per capire meglio di chi stiamo parlando occorre fare un passo indietro inquadrando l'esempio più riuscito di entrismo politico di matrice neofascista degli ultimi decenni. Nel Gennaio 2004 la Fiamma Tricolore si è trovata infatti ad essere l'ultimo port for cream Italian skinheads, our local veteran bonheads explosion of the early '90s: the north-eastern Veneto Fronte Skinheads Piero Puschi former Roman Political Movement of Mauritius Bocaccio, the most important, in fact, the only major network trying to Neo-Nazi ours, Autonoma.Ma Base ferried by Boccaccio MSFT not only entered the shaven-headed neo-Nazi fascists but also a bit 'strange, have become famous for some occupations in the capital city and the violence with which they were made in the road galaxy on the right radicale.Il MSFT (social movement Fiamma Tricolore) by semi-old guys dying of nostalgia with a very shady past, as its founder the stragista Pino Rauti, organization becomes a young, highly militant and eager to become hegemonic, also, of course, Waving the lobby of this guide mani.A ONC, long autodefinitasi Area non-compliant, Giuliano Castellino (ex-Forza Nuova, a cousin of Morse and loyalist Boccacci), an intellectual with a past terrorist black Gabriele Adinolfi and a stranger who had worked his way: Gianluca Iannone. Of the latter fact we know very little: a childhood in the old policy section Acca Larentia MSI, switching to the Political Movement of Boccaccio 17 years, buying a pub frequented by Roman time fascist and a passion for music: as the battle of Sinevox sings it in the Zero Alpha Zeta, a group neo-Nazi music that slowly it is getting to know the radical right in the meeting and will provide a soundtrack to all firms in the non-compliant, with support from the label Tarpeian Rock, historic music label fascist Rome. Zeta Zero Alfa remember just before the period of participation in the ONC MEI, the Meeting of Independent Labels in 2000 in Faenza and a brawl at a concert in Sulmona, following a clash with local anti-fascists, in December 2001; but it was 2003 and the ONC that Iannone and become well-known partners, such as when they experienced a remarkable revival of the flooding of Italy stickers, graffiti, banners with the words "zetazeroalfa", arousing a certain curiosity in the mainstream media. ZZA is not just a band but a way to build relationships, interact with the disappointment of the existing neo-fascist groups and is primarily a powerful encouragement for the propaganda of the non-compliant out of the capital. So thanks to the fresh forces ensured by the NCBs and the vigorous activism of former stand-alone basis, the party Romagnoli but never took off on the electoral level, it allows non-compliant to the lobby to organize and reproduce slowly, to help the new arrivals in the house fiammista, a remarkable open-mindedness in the media. Yes, because the real fortunes of this area lies in a great capacity to innovate and especially the militant practice communication policy, which, in a normal environment such as retrograde right-wing radical, was found to be the clear winner. It is certainly on the other hand said that the militants of the Pound House could literally make the beautiful and the weather in Rome for five years, counting on the laxity of the Juntas Veltroni, on the clear connivance of AN and former President of the Region Francesco Storace on the protection provided by a Fiamma Tricolore friend / ally of the House of Freedoms, eyes closed most of the police and judicial impunity, but there is no doubt that the imaginary and the organizational capacity of this group have been important in their rise to the elite of Italian neo-fascism. A 'rise helped also a flattering media attention, from RepubblicaXL a Rolling Stone, by the barbarian invasions Candlewick Matrix, helped impose the idea of \u200b\u200ba "social center right". But after the election of the Right flop half of the duo-Santanchè Storace in general elections in 2008, the chickens are coming home to roost, even the obvious ambiguity between movement and party, between ONC and MSFT is destined to end, Iannone and his associates are prepared to walk with their legs. The excommunication of Romagnoli, Boccaccio and Puschi is simply a play in advance, Pound House back to its origins, apparently all'extraparlamentarismo, but it's time Sinevox Adinolfi and want to make it big ...
Comincia così la nuova avventura della lobby non-conforme capitanata da Gianluca Iannone e dal suo braccio destro Simone Di Stefano: a pochi giorni dall'uscita dalla Fiamma un meeting nazionale ad Area 19, l'ultima occupazione fascista capitolina, vedrà la nascita dell'Associazione di Promozione Sociale "CasaPound", meglio nota come Casa Pound Italia (CPI). La scommessa sta nel compattare e attivare a livello nazionale, cioè extra-romano, quella comunità politica che dal 2003 ad oggi si è creata intorno alle azioni e soprattutto alla mitopoiesi di Casa Pound, degli ZetaZeroAlfa e dell'area nonconforme. Ma questo passaggio è anche volto a rimescolare maps of the entire galaxy of Italian radical right, as we will explain one of the godfathers of the operation, the inevitable Gabriele Adinolfi. From its homepage CPI fact speaks of himself as a political project that wants to act in synergy with all the components of the Italian right, expressly citing the National Alliance and Forza Nuova early as possible partners. Despite some major dormitory left on the street, the area of \u200b\u200bnon-conformities, in block adheres to the newly formed Association Casa Pound, (except for employment of population of the House of Italy Meadows who preferred to throw himself into the magma forming the PDL with Giuliano Castellino and his identity Romana area) literally going to split entire sections of Flame Tricolore in which many young militants, taking the ball, return the card "disgusted by the conduct of the national leadership of the Party towards the dorm Iannone. E 'Block if the student was that of MSFT even the young student federation, some entire sections (such as the one in Turin) or clusters of neo-Nazis as mixed as the dominant component of the Black Circle Heart in Milan. The national days in Area 19 are short, a time when Italy is the Pound House and has formalized its structure based primarily on national sympathies and relationships born in the years within the premises of Fiamma Tricolore, especially in cities where in the undergrowth of the party Romagnoli have long established sites metapolitical militant recruitment and indoctrination, right to work of those young supporters fiammisti for ONC and faithful to the strategy-moving party. The real challenge is precisely to extend the practices and tactics of the places of social non-conformity throughout the country with the creation of sections of House Pound Italy in every province. The structure, political campaigns and communication style of the Roman, representing the model to be exported and shared. New style for the website's homepage Casapound that becomes all the association, which are then published reports of local initiatives and link the movement, among others: Noreporter.org (site information and comment on ' News Gabriele Adinolfi), Novopress.info (the indymedia radical right), Vivamafarka (the neo-fascist forum most used in our country). But what Pound House since the last few months fiammisti makes better use of the project is undoubtedly the Black Flag Radio: a web-radio with about 26 Italian and 10 foreign editors who take turns in a 24 hours non-stop schedule.
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